Wednesday, April 29, 2020

Do Our Opinions Matter?

Shutterstock

Perhaps out of sheer coronavirus-sapped quarantined boredom, I sent two questions to my small community (~600) of Facebook friends:

“Do you think people are genuinely interested in your answer when they ask you for your opinion (on anything), or are they simply looking for affirmation of their own decision?”

“Have you ever offered an opinion (having been asked) that resulted in the questioner’s change of position or action?”

A sample of answers come up a bit later.

When the thought strikes, columnists write

Several years ago, when I was writing opinion columns for a large on-line news organization, I wrote a response to an April 6, 2015, Michael Gerson column in the Washington post, “If our heroism is hopeless.” Dated April 13, 2015, my opinion, titled, “I Give America 75 Years… 100 at Most” included these thoughts:
“We were a nation on the move, growing and exploring, building, advancing relentlessly with a selfish sense of divine destiny driving our wheels along ever-lengthening tracks. In the process, we overwhelmed and nearly obliterated another culture — the First Americans — and we abused millions of newcomers — Chinese, Italians, the Irish, slavs and, slaves — who were nothing more to the sons and daughters of the Founders than cheap labor, good for little more than cotton-picking and pick-and-shovel duty. Their discarded bodies enriched the soil along every railroad track, and in every plantation field. The feet that stepped off the Mayflower, now pressed down on the necks of the unfortunate millions who missed that boat.
“Our national budget is a farce; our debt is deplorable; some of the most basic institutions set in place to help the poor, sick and homeless are held hostage by Capitol Hill hysterics and shut-down threats. Our national defense is stretched so thin by our incessant need to solve everyone else’s problems that the young men and women who are doing the fighting — and dying — are coming home in bits and pieces, even when they look whole.
“The White House has been held by a string of do-nothing presidents, Republican and Democrat, incapable, apparently, of recognizing the real threats to our national security: a failing education system and racial and economic divides that are tearing us apart faster and faster each day.
“What has happened over the years since the Civil War is a dilution of the original spirit of the Revolution — national entropy has set in and all our institutions are slowly winding down, no longer able to address the needs of a burgeoning, racist, dumbed-down society. There are the occasional glimmers of our prior greatness — but I cannot name one right now. Oh, yes…our men and women in uniform and our veterans. They represent the goodness of our national soul. But they, too, are a dying breed."

Michael Gerson’s column almost got it right: we are in peril. But not from without, but from within. I give America 75 years…maybe 100 if we’re lucky.”

I wasn’t wrong; I was just too optimistic

Today, April 28, 2020 — five years to the month after Gerson’s and my columns were published — the only change in my opinion is that we now have less than 50 years of serviceable life as a first-world democratic republic.

But that opinion doesn’t matter

While my reassessment reflects my thinking over the past three years of watching the nation’s accelerating rate of fall into the abyss of third-world nations and banana republics, two opinion pieces published within in the past week further reinforced my world view.

The first is the Irish Times’ Fintan O’Toole’s April 25 piece, “Donald Trump has destroyed the country he promised to make great again,” [I’m sorry there is a paywall for this…but it has been copied and published on Facebook if you look for it] and the second is Umair Haque’s Medium column of April 25, titled, “The Age of Suffering: How America Abused Itself to Death.”

Now, what do these two opinion pieces, and my own from five years ago have to do with the headline of this article? Simply put, they are proof that opinions have little or no value to those whose minds are hardened to their own “facts” and views.

Shouldn’t some opinions count?

It is understandable that my opinion is valueless; I am not a well-known writer or influencer. I have limited credentials consisting primarily of 20 years as working journalist, and 35 years as a federal appointee or career employee, writing for elected officials and Cabinet appointees. My kind are a dime a dozen, and our views are neither asked for or required.

Gerson, on the other hand, does bring reasonable measures of experience and gravitas to his work; and Haque is a widely-read, highly prolific author of books and articles spanning a broad range of social and economic issues. Both writers enjoy large followings. Their reputations in the crowded world of opinion writers lifts them above the mists of mediocrity, whether you agree with them or not. And that is my point.

I like to read Gerson’s and Haque’s pieces in part because both men write very well. Their thoughts are clear, their logic processes are well-informed by research, and they write passionately about their views. But I don’t read them to inform my own opinions. Nor does anybody else, I suspect. I read them to validate my worldview, and I use their language to build a thicker wall around my own prejudices.

Silos of thought dominate our American landscape

Evidence — empirical and anecdotal — suggests a ramping up of a stove-piped American society, with obvious political, economic, and media examples: entrenched party divisions, diverging economic theories, and pendulum-swinging media choices among the most visible. It is fair to say that one can also find statistical support for intractable racial biases and historically long-lasting regional counter attitudes.

These subjects and conditions are not without controversy, but for the most part I think we can agree that there are certain silos of philosophies, prejudices, biases, and distrust that shape our society and wall off open and fruitful debate.

One needs only to review The Pew Research Center’s 2017 paper, The Partisan Divide on Political Values Grows Even Wider, as cited in an even more expansive article on national polarization in Psychology Today’s article, Why Has America Become So Divided?” to run smack into very inconvenient truths.

My two questions, however, did not deal with these macro conditions. I was merely curious about the day-to-day interactions among people who, out of politeness or sense of obligation, ask others for an opinion about whether to take a certain action, read a certain book, watch a certain movie, accept a certain job, take a certain risk of the heart, etc.

Do we really want to know what others think?

In short, do we ask for others’ opinions in order to seek reasonable alternatives to our decision-making process (with the possibility we will actually consider those opinions and possibly act on them), or is the act of asking for an opinion a dead-on-arrival pro-forma obligation or begrudged courtesy.

Part two of my question stemmed from a genuine interest in knowing whether anyone has given advice in the form of an opinion to someone who subsequently took that advice? I’m not interested in the outcome of the decision, just the initial reaction.

A plumber’s opinion trumps a pundit’s or a president’s

For context, I am on multiple [interest/hobby] sites where people are asking for or giving technical advice and adding helpful hints and process commentary daily. They are very open to hive advice, but not necessary hive opinion, with a few exceptions — do-it-yourself (DIY) help, and hobby help.

These are the only areas I have found on the internet in which advice and opinion work hand-in-hand: in DIY and hobby categories (but even then, opinions are very carefully couched). Once we step outside the “Which-is-better?-the-two-handled-faucet-or-the-one-lever-faucet?” area of opinion and advice, we close ourselves off to other points of view, particularly in politics and social issues.

Just try saying to an artist, “I think that sky should have a bit more blue, don’t you?” That paintbrush shoved up your ass will hurt.

Answers that should not be surprising

An unedited sampling of answers to my questions looks like this:

Questions:

“1. Do you think people are genuinely interested in your answer when they ask you for your opinion (on anything), or are they simply looking for affirmation of their own decision?”

“2. Have you ever offered an opinion (having been asked) that resulted in the questioner’s change of position or action?”

Answers:
“1. this is hugely dependent upon context 2. this is hugely dependent upon context”
“People’s responses to other opinions or advice is tremendously context dependent. How emotionally invested one might be in a given position, for example. But in general, people can be and are very closed minded about anything that affects them personally, and are largely looking for affirmation when seeking advice
 
“1. Sometimes. 2. Yes. More often since I turned gray.”
“Most are looking for affirmation. We tend to stay in circles of likemindedness. Usually, you won’t change someone’s opinion.”
“I’m going to say most people are looking for affirmation. And no, I’ve never changed anybody’s mind, but I have given them things to think about with no expectation of change. I’ve learned that doing the right thing is always the right thing, without expecting others to do what you consider the right thing. Because for others, their “right thing” might be different."
“1. Yes, interested if they are a friend or somewhat who respects your opinion and appreciates your knowledge about a particular subject. 2. Very rarely.”
“1. I know probably 10 people whom I would believe seriously want my opinion on things. 2. The rest appear to be looking for confirmation.”
“Question 2: Maybe once or twice, ever, and I’m not certain of those.”

“They want agreement only, and NO.”
‘1. Sometimes. 2 Yes”
“Most want affirmation”

As unsci
entific a poll as this was, the responses are not surprising and probably fall well within the central zone of a bell curve of most-likely answers. In the end, while we may think asking for an opinion is simply an accepted thing to do, we don’t much care one way or the other what someone else has to offer.

For the most part, we just end up thinking (or, if we are socially unfiltered, we say aloud), “Well, that’s just your opinion.”

Of that response, John Covino, Chair of the Philosophy Department at Wayne State University writing in The Philosopher’s Magazine, says,
“Why worry about the fact/opinion distinction? One reason is that precise thinking is valuable for its own sake. But there’s another, more pragmatic reason. Despite its unclear meaning, the claim “That’s just your opinion” has a clear use: It is a conversation-stopper. It’s a way of diminishing a claim, reducing it to a mere matter of taste which lies beyond dispute. (De gustibus non est disputandum: there’s no disputing taste.)

“Indeed, the “opinion” label is used not only to belittle others’ stances, but also to deflate one’s own. In recognising [sic] that a personal belief differs sharply from that of other individuals and cultures, one may conclude, “I guess that’s just my opinion — no better than anyone else’s.” This conclusion may stem from an admirable humility. On the other hand, it can have pernicious effects: it leads to a kind of wishy-washiness, wherein one refrains from standing up for one’s convictions for fear of imposing “mere opinions”. Such reticence conflicts with common sense: surely some opinions are more thoughtful, more informed, more coherent, and more important than others.”

The next time you are tempted to offer an opinion, ask yourself two things: “Why is my opinion important, and will it make a difference once I give it?

My opinion is America has about 50 years left before we become a sad footnote in world history, and that opinion is neither important nor will it change anything.

Wednesday, April 15, 2020

Donald Trump: Never a King

Master of the Universe (Illustration by William Rotsaert)


Leaders or a liege?

Governors take the high ground

The governors of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Rhode Island recently joined together to form a healthcare recovery working group to consider and develop plans to begin bringing their individual states and the multi-state region out from under the coronavirus’s cloak of darkness.
I listened in on their joint announcement, hosted by Governor Cuomo, and what I heard were state leaders who acted, well, leaderly, with compassion, mutual respect, and intelligence.
In much the same manner, the governors of the West Coast states of California, Oregon, and Washington have also linked borders to develop practical guidelines for bringing their interconnected economies out of isolation. These bi-partisan alliances speak to the inherent powers of the states to determine their own futures, respecting, as they do, the role that can be played by the federal government.

Trump takes the low road

President Trump challenged these state coalitions by making it clear on Monday that the federal government — more pointedly Mr. Trump himself — has the overriding authority to relax state-imposed quarantine rules.
As reported in the Washington Post on Monday, “The contrary approaches hinted at what could become a fractured response from state and federal officials in the coming weeks and months, marked by disagreements over who has the authority to dictate when, whether and how to begin the nation’s slow return to normalcy.”
“’The authority of the president of the United States, having to do with the subject we’re talking about, is total’,” Trump said, adding, ‘The President of the United States calls the shots’.”
New York’s governor, Andrew Cuomo, speaking on NBC’s “Today,” was quick to point out, “We don’t have a king. We have a president. That was a big decision. We ran away from having a king, and George Washington was president, not King Washington. So the president doesn’t have total authority.”

Three golden oldies

Perhaps now is a reasonable time for a refresher course in why the states cling closely to their rights to self-determination through a look back at three salient documents that inform the States’ confidence in their primacy over outrageous federal fiats: Federalist 1, Federalist 10, and the 10th Amendment.
Alexander Hamilton (Library of Congress)

Alexander Hamilton before the musical

In Federalist 1, published by Alexander Hamilton on October 27, 1787, Hamilton sets the stage for the national debate which set the boundaries for the chief executive and which encouraged the public to dismiss any royal pretenders or avaricious players, noting, in these passages, the features and forces which may not be in the best interests of the nation’s future success, and which must be viewed critically despite personal, financial, or political affections. (All bolding is mine for emphasis)
“It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.”
Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence of the offices they hold under the State establishments; and the perverted ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire into several partial confederacies than from its union under one government.”
“And a further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from the reflection that we are not always sure that those who advocate the truth are influenced by purer principles than their antagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothing could be more ill-judged than that intolerant spirit which has, at all times, characterized political parties. For in politics, as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution.”
Note that Hamilton pulls no punches when describing the characters of would-be leaders who would be most apt to use high office for personal, familial, and crony gain: “a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence of the offices they hold under the State establishments; and the perverted ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country…”
The man had vision, of that there is no doubt.
James Madison (Library of Congress)

James Madison cuts to the chase

A brief look at the Federalist 10, written by James Madison in November of 1787, is also certainly in order. (Spoiler alert: at no place in either the Federalist Papers or in the language of the 10th Amendment is there the phrase “The president of the United States calls the shots.”)
As an ardent admirer of the Federalist PapersFederalist 10 holds for me some of the most crucial arguments for what eventually became our form of constitutional government — a republic based on apportioned, elected, representation rather than a pure democracy of 330 million disparate voices.
Federalist 10 does more than encourage a republican form of government, however. In Federalist 10, Madison defines the economic, moral, and ethical quandaries surrounding the question of how a republic should operate despite the presence of factions, or, as they evolved to today’s lexicon: political parties, special interest groups, and citizen-politicians of unbridled wealth and property.

A matter of earned trust

The trick, Madison said in Federalist 10, was to convince those broadly-distributed citizens with specific and local interests — farmers, merchants, tradesmen, fishermen, etc. — to trust a compact leadership composed of privileged men imbued with, perhaps motivated by, their own, very disparate goals (rich guys with land and their own interests to protect) to fairly represent the broad concerns of all the people. Up until that time, the Articles of Confederation had not been successful in uniting the myriad interests within the 13 states under one common roof.
Madison put it this way:
Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens, equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and personal liberty, that our governments are too unstable, that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority.”
Madison immediately acknowledged that such doubts had merit:
“However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation, the evidence, of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true.”

Beyond the dysfunction

This is an “ah-ha” moment in Federalist 10. It is from this jumping off point that Madison addressed the root cause of concern about the ability of a republican form of government operated by representatives of the people to carry out its duties faithfully despite the influences of factions.
Madison is urging his readers to look past the dysfunction of the system (“That damn Congress gets nothing done!”) and examine the motives of the operators and the agendas of the factions that underpin those motives (“Those damn bankers are controlling everything!”). He writes:
“It will be found, indeed, on a candid review of our situation, that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments; but it will be found, at the same time, that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes; and, particularly, for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements, and alarm for private rights, which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other.
These must be chiefly, if not wholly, effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations. By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adversed [sic] to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.”
“[A]dversed to the rights of other citizens … and aggregate interests of the community” is about as clear a denouement of mischievous factions that Madison could send to the special interests of the time.
Through Federalist 10, Madison was alerting the public to the very real possibility that, if left unchecked, special interest factions would try to play one side against another for reasons of avarice and personal emolument (and there’s that word).
It appears to me that Madison’s Federalist 10 warning of the potentials of mischief by certain citizens whose camouflaged interests lie outside the scope of their official, elected, duties, is an eloquently-barbed spear of reproof hurled from the 18th century directly into the heart of the Trump administration and its wealthy cronies two-and-a-half centuries distant.
So far, the Trumpian heart continues to beat with an unnatural rhythm, its cold pulse unaffected by the heat of the Federalist flame, civic passions, or pandemic deaths.

The dangers of would-be kings

Now, President Trump, as of April 13, is insisting — bullying from his bully pulpit — that he (acting as the federal government) has the ultimate say over the States’ mutual and independent decisions to reopen the businesses, and unquarantine the citizens within their borders.
Trump is just as surely creating division within the country as a whole as if he were to advocate for any state to secede from the union. When Trump tweets to his chosen audience, he is creating and encouraging dissatisfaction, dissension, and distrust among factions within our society — notably squawking about the “fake media.”
Trump’s actions at his Monday press conference cum campaign propaganda, echo the calls of the selfish factions fomenting separation of the 13 states uneasily connected in 1787 by the failed Articles of Confederation. If Trump’s goal is to divide and conquer, he must first scale the wall of the Constitution…and that, as we see in the Federalist Papers, is a high wall indeed.

The power of the 10th

Shutterstock Joseph Sohm

What Trump refuses to see or learn

Let’s look at how Trump’s my-way-or-the-highway approach goes down with the Constitutional experts at Lawfare as offered as recently as mid-March:
“First and foremost, states currently retain power to decide who stays home and for how long. The 10th Amendment expressly reserves to the states those powers not delegated to the federal government. As the Supreme Court has explained, the Framers “rejected the concept of a central government that would act … through the States, and instead designed a system in which the State and Federal Governments would exercise concurrent authority over the people.” The 10th Amendment codifies the U.S. system of dual sovereignty and makes clear that, although the states surrendered many of their powers to the federal government, they retain “a residuary and inviolable sovereignty” over those powers not assigned to the federal government.
“Among the powers generally reserved to the states is the authority to quarantine individuals and otherwise protect public health. The regulation of the health and safety of individuals “is primarily, and historically, a matter of local concern,” the Supreme Court has heldAccordingly, “[s]tates traditionally have had great latitude under their police powers to legislate as to the protection of the lives, limbs, health, comfort, and quiet of all persons.”

Our first president refused a crown

Eight years after the publication of the Federalist Papers, and six years after the new Constitution had been ratified by the states, George Washington reflected on the concerns voiced by Madison in Federalist 10. In his 1796 Farewell Address, the aging patriot wrote:
“I shall carry it with me to my grave as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.”

Oh, bitter GOP irony

One of the great ironies of today’s 10th Amendment debate is that for decades, the Republican Party wrapped itself in the banner of States rights, shouting from every GOP mountain top how the sovereignty of the States was sacrosanct — untouchable by the federal government. With the rise of the Obama presidency, Republican policy makers, afraid of the Democrats’ alleged aspirations to cleave States rights from the people and increase federal powers, began to feel the sands of their own power shift beneath their Gucci-shod feet.
As reported in The Hill five years ago this month, Rep. John Culberson (R-Texas) and Senator Sen. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.), announced their support of legislation that would give state government officials the right to challenge any rule proposed by either a federal agency or the president that they think infringes on their 10th Amendment rights.

Say what?

In what must be one of the great switcheroos of political position-taking, Rep. Culbertson said, “President Obama pledged to use a ‘phone and pen’ to push through his liberal agenda against the will of the people, and thanks to his unconstitutional executive actions, there is very little left in our personal lives or in the realm of original State authority that the federal government does not control. From illegal amnesty, to Obamacare, to the IRS scandals — no president has shown greater disregard for individual liberty and states’ rights.”
Until now, Mr. Culbertson…until now.
With his Monday diatribe…nay, his tantrum…President Trump put to rest any doubt that the Republican Party has little interest in the rights of the States to decide issues of health and safety for their citizens.

Dangerous times and a remorseless president

We live in dangerous times when a president believes in his ascendancy to a throne, when he poses and postures with the pomposity of a deranged king, when his lackeys are busily crafting and polishing his crown, and when those who call him out for his irrational aspirations are reviled, disrespected, and labeled “fake.”

A letter to our past

President Washington, we are on the cusp of a new revolution — pitting despotic power against democratic values. You might think me mad from your remove of 224 years, but that national battle between good and evil, between the Republic of States and their citizens and a would-be ruler and his fawning lords and mindless serfs — is no longer a mere hypothetical.
Your earned wisdom — informed in part by the hard lessons of war and executive leadership, and in part by the lessons of Madison and Hamilton — seems to be receding from public appreciation as we draw ever closer to a Trump reelection and coronation.
We need your wisdom and the Federalists’ lessons now more than ever.